This week's guest blogger, Benjamin Jackson, considers "Transcending
violence: The geeks and new stalwarts of Palestinian identity"
In
occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), namely the West Bank and Gaza, new social
phenomena are materializing; in refugee camps in Lebanon, specifically Shatila
camp in southern Beirut, pragmatic daily practices are forming new selves.
In recent weeks, I have been struck by stories of
remarkable agency: in particular, a young tech generation in Gaza are transcending
the physical barriers (such as limits to trade) which come with
living in oPt. Thousands of twenty-somethings – the geeks – are joining
technology startups, and subsequently securing high-quality
jobs as software developers.
The coding initiative,
spearheaded by Gaza’s first tech hub ‘Gaza Sky Geeks’ (GSG), was
developed by the international NGO Mercy Corps. Young Palestinian entrepreneurs
are flocking to the hub to demonstrate their skills. It has received
international backing: Google has sponsored the initiative; Microsoft, Uber,
SoundCloud, and other startups based in London have all provided pro bono
support.
It is most impressive because of the very conditions it is blossoming
in. By definition, the Israel-Palestine conflict is an ‘active’ conflict, yet
those in oPt must also tackle structural violence. The Gaza strip is notoriously
precarious; travel in and out scarce. It faces frequent barrages from the
Israeli military. It also has limited water resources and frequent electricity
shortages, whilst access to capital is limited and unemployment rates are high
for ethnic
Arabs and Palestinians.
So, why does all this matter? What is its relevance for conflict
and development? The point is that transcending armed conflict and structural
violence enables Palestinians to construct new political identities and subjectivities.
Much as causes and acts violence are being theorized by scholars as having symbolic
meaning and subjectivity – symbolic responses to violence, rooted in the locale,
are equally important.
Whilst it has been the media picking up on these remarkable
acts of solidarity of late, in the context of conflict and development, it is
the role of ethnographers which ought to be significant. The ‘geeks’ are apt
ethnographic subjects for understanding violence subtleties in oPt. Why study
the soldiers and political figures of Hamas, when those who are forging
meaningful lives for themselves are a purer representation of the Palestinian
predicament?
The geeks are exponents of the fact that Palestinians can
no longer be portrayed as objects of their political surroundings. Rather, they
are subjects wrought from the existential practices they are employing to preserve
hope and optimism. This signifies a departure from the armed struggle usually
attributed to Palestinian political identity. In this discourse,
Palestinians are presented as flagbearers of historical nationalism. Whilst the
creation of a sovereign Palestine state remains the overarching goal, Palestinians
are asking important questions: What about my present? What about my raison
d'être? Through technology, they are able to forge
meaningful lives for themselves; be active
in the present rather than always looking into the past or future.
Another positive of the technology sector in Gaza and the
West Bank is the level of gender parity and subsequent agency demonstrated by
young women. Over 50% of attendees
at GSG events in 2015 were women. It has even been claimed women are better
represented at GSG and other startups in oPt than in Silicon
Valley!
Shatila refugee camp in Lebanon has also witnessed a
similar showing of agency. The camp suffers from the inexcusable discriminatory
policies of the Lebanese government (leading to high unemployment, poor
infrastructure, water resources and electricity). Palestinians in Shatila
experience destitution and humanitarian issues much like their counterparts in
oPt. The violence in Shatila does not fit with normative categories of
conflict. It has experienced sporadic armed conflict throughout its existence,
yet the structural violence at times of ‘peace’ is more acutely felt by
residents, a precious example of how the distinctions are often blurred between
war and non-war. Such contexts (including that of the Acholi people in Northern
Uganda, for example) are better described as a continuum,
where violence is endless.
Despite this, women have set up informal micro-credit schemes, in turn constructing
economic subjectivity, not allowing themselves to be weighed down by their social
environment. In contrast, men are less able to find work and thus the paradigm
is reversed: cultural norms (specifically gender
relations) associated with Palestinian identity are no more.
It is also interesting to see how certain practices, which
at face value seem trivial, are in fact of great importance in shaping
political identity in Shatila. The illegal tapping of
electricity from grids in Beirut, among other practices, can be seen as a
symbolic form of resistance to the Lebanese government’s restrictive policies.
On this theme, the only concert piano
in Gaza was also recently restored. The piano had been abandoned in a theater
damaged in the 2014 war with Israel. Listening to the piano being played is
both moving and politically significant; a symbolic performance of resistance
to the Israeli government and the blockade of the strip by Israel and Egypt.
I have found the Bourdieusian model of illusio
– “the ability to invest oneself in the prospect of a meaningful life” – a useful
aide in getting to grips with such existential practices. It seems that despite
experiencing unpredictable forms of violence and adversity, humans are able to
develop, create being through work,
illegal tricks, conversations, even music. It is also useful to consider how
carving subjectivity for oneself has a historical gist. Much like colonial
subjects resisted colonizer’s attempts to become ‘civilized’, Palestinians
resist the mandates of the governments who seek to restrict their very
identity.
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