What's behind the massive violence against Rohingya women?

By Tanakan Panjalak

The international attention to massive rape against Rohingya women by the Myanmar Army (Tatmadaw) in the clearance operations as a part of the war crime against humanity on the ground of ethnic cleansing implies the development of a legal framework against gendered violation. However, this perspective blinds us from seeing other hidden oppressions behind this sexual violence.

The nightmare of Rohingya Women

After the attack of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) against the Myanmar security force posts in the Rakhine State in August 2017, the Tatmadaw implemented the clearance operations to this area. During these operations, according to report, Rohingya people, including women, men, and transgender, widely experienced sexual violence; however, most of the sexual victims were Rohingya women. These women were reportedly raped by individuals and groups of the Tatmadaw, beaten with weapons, tortured, and forced to be sexual slaves. As a result, an estimated one million Rohingya people have emigrated to Bangladesh while the victimized women faced severe physical and psychological problems. For these reasons, sexual violence against Rohingya women by the Tatmadaw is generally recognized as the political mean of the state to destroy, humiliate, and demobilize the Rohingya minority. In other words, ethnicity is a significant factor of this violence.

However, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to Bangladesh reported that the Buddhist Rohingya civilians also participated in this violence by supporting the Tatmadaw, and committing sexual violence. This means that sexual violence is not only the brutal weapon monopolized by the state in order to portray hegemonic power over Rohingya, but beg the question: Why a massive scale of sexual violence against Rohingya women was committed by both the Tatmadaw and Buddhist civilians?

Multiple Layered Oppression against Rohingya Women

To analyze this sexual violence, an intersectional approach is needed because Rohingya women live in a layered social structure. This means that they were not victimized due to only the ethnicity. According to Oxfam, this approach demonstrates that gendered violence against women is caused by various social oppressions; gender, culture religion, race, class, etc. With this approach to the Rohingya case, therefore, sexual violence against Rohingya women is the point that multiple pre-existing oppressions intersect each other; ethnic oppression, patriarchal social structure, and religious discrimination.

Ethnic Oppression

Ethnic minorities are legally discriminated against by Myanmar citizenship. The 1982 Burma Citizenship Law which was supported by Myanmar nationalists has stipulated the ethnicity which is recognized as citizenship must have lived in Myanmar before 1823. So, some minorities, particularly the Rohingya minority have lost their citizenship because they migrated to Myanmar after 1823. For this reason, Rohingya has been excluded from accessing social services such as education, and health services. They have been also suppressed more than other ethnic groups by the two-child policy. launched to control the Rohingya birthrate due to an increase in the Rohingya population. Unsurprisingly, therefore, Rohingya have been seen as the subordinated group in Myanmar.

Religious Discrimination

In addition, Rohingya people have faced religious discrimination. Due to a large amount of Buddhist intertwining with nationalism, 10% of people in Myanmar who practice other religions have been discriminated against by laws and those Buddhist-Nationalists. In terms of legal practices, the Myanmar government has initiated three discriminatory laws. In 2015, in contrast with Islamic tradition, the Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Law, the Religious Conversion Law, and the Monogamy Law were implemented to prevent the religious conversion of Buddhists and limit the right of polygamy by defining it as an illegal action. Socially, the discrimination against the Muslim has been also escalated by the radical Buddhist narratives of anti-Muslim together with Islamophobia. Some cases demonstrate that the discourse of sexual violence committed by Muslim men against Buddhist women caused the conflict between Buddhists and Muslims.

Patriarchy

Rohingya women have been also oppressed by social culture resulting in gender inequalities. Although the Aung San Suu Kyi is the female de facto leader, the social structure of Myanmar has been dominated by patriarchal value which prioritizes men over women and shapes the relationship between peoples at all levels. Similarly, the research clarifies that Rohingya women faced gendered inequalities in their households. Due to their tradition, women and girls must stay home for caring for their families and doing housework. With this social structure, all forms of domestic violence against women, including sexual abuse are also accepted as private issues that women should not ask for help. In other words, women in Myanmar are positioned as the subordinated group.

Based on the intersectional approach, it can be seen that Rohingya women are the members of these communities as subordinated groups. As a result, with these pre-existing oppressions, Rohingya women were vulnerable to be sexually abused by the state authorities and Buddhist Rakhine. Inclusive Development as a conclusion

Although this blog focuses on sexual violence against Rohingya women, some people may imply that they should be prioritized as the only vulnerable victims who require international remedies. In contrast, intersectional analysis of this violence aims to demonstrate that the intersection of development is needed to overcome these oppressions, and protect all women, all Rohingya, and all Muslims. In short, the international legal framework is not enough to relieve all oppressions which Rohingya women experienced. In parallel with this, more development programmes, policies, and practices which cover all gender, religion, and ethnic issues should be applied in order to protect against discrimination of all Rohingya people even all other women, ethnic groups, and religious minorities in Myanmar and provide all these peoples the human right.

Bibliography

International Crisis Group, 2017. Buddhism and State Power in Myanmar. [pdf] Yangon/Brussels: International Crisis Group. Available at: < https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/290-buddhism-and-state-power-in-myanmar.pdf > [Accessed 15 November, 2020].

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2017. Interviews with Rohingyas fleeing from Myanmar since 9 October 2016 - Flash Report. [pdf] Bangladesh. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Available at: < https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/MM/FlashReport3Feb2017.pdf > [Accessed 12 November, 2020].

United Nations Human Rights Council, 2019. Sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar and the gendered impact of its ethnic conflicts. [pdf] Myanmar: United Nations Human Rights Council. Available at: < https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/A_HRC_CRP _4_0.pdf > [Accessed 12 November, 2020].

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, UN Women and United Nations Population Fund, 2020. Gender Profile for Humanitarian Action: Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan, Myanmar. [pdf] Myanmar/Bangladesh: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, UN Women and United Nations Population Fund. Available at: < https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Gender%20Profile% 20for%20Humanitarian%20Action%20FINAL%2027%20March%202020.pdf > [Accessed 17 November, 2020].